- Southeast Asia matters, not just as a battlefield between great powers.
Many sailors think of Southeast Asia as a place for great liberty on the way to or from their support for the wars in the Middle East. Those focused on geopolitical dynamics may regard it as strategic territory where the United States must win hearts and minds now, but be prepared to sink ships in a future kinetic conflict. However, such simple formulations betray Southeast Asia’s real value. This area contains maritime crossroads carrying more than a third of all global shipping, but the region’s nations also have unique, vibrant cultures and strong identities. Taken together, the Southeast Asian states are home to nearly 655 million people. Their skyrocketing economies weigh in with a GDP of more than $3 trillion. Ensuring strong bilateral relationships with Southeast Asian nations is of crucial importance to the economic and strategic well-being of the United States. When they suffer, we suffer—regardless of who else might be in competition.
Exercise Cobra Gold is about strengthening the readiness of the two-centuries-old partnership with Thailand. Exercise Balikatan focuses on advancing the Philippines-U.S. alliance. Neither is primarily about preparing to fight a third party. The same mind-set should govern the smaller-scale events such as SEACAT, the CARAT series, Pacific Griffin, and Guardian Sea. Prevailing in the strategic competition with China is essential to U.S. security, and, many Southeast Asians will be ready to discuss shared concerns about a recalcitrant China, but U.S. friendship with the Southeast Asian states should primarily be about the bilateral partners’ diverse concerns. We won’t expand the trust and confidence we need by treating Southeast Asian partners like cartological chokepoints or the spoils of a prize-fight.
- Southeast Asia is neither with us nor against us. It is for itself, like any other region.
To paint things in very broad strokes, Southeast Asians are glad to benefit from their relationships with the United States, and their relationships with China. There is little confidence that either power would ultimately “do the right thing” in looking out for Southeast Asian interests. China is the Association of Southeast Asian Nation’s (ASEAN’s) largest trade partner and ASEAN became China’s largest trade partner in 2020. That creates some dependency, but also fuels rapid growth and much-needed economic development. Therefore, Southeast Asians are generally glad for the counterbalance delivered by the United States military. Balancing these competing economic and security relationships is akin to charting a course between two reefs; tides, currents, and winds force you to sail close to one side or the other of the channel, but that is specifically done to avoid grounding on either side. To cleave too closely to the United States exposes them to the risks of abandonment, and the ire of China. In their estimation, China and the United States are both dangerous animals and the biggest fear is getting between them.
Do not be offended when your Southeast Asian partners disagree with you on fundamental issues of world power. A popular saying in Southeast Asia reminds us that the United States chooses when and how to engage in the region, but China is a geographic fact. They do not have thousands of miles of Pacific Ocean separating them from the hegemon to their immediate north. Framing the issues as ideological competition with China will not sustain Southeast Asian economies and will be avoided like a call for working party volunteers. Although no nation wants to live under another’s boot, economic livelihoods will be prioritized over pyrrhic victories at sea.
- Southeast Asia is incredibly diverse.
Southeast Asia is composed of vast archipelagos and thick jungles, as well as some of the world’s densest mega-cities. It is a confluence of world religions, home to cultures shaped by Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity.
Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous country, largest Muslim-majority nation, and tenth-largest economy. It shares an island with Timor Leste, a predominantly Catholic nation with fewer people than Trinidad and Tobago. The per capita income in the city-state of Singapore is more than $100,000 a year, about 20 times that of Myanmar and one and a half times that of the United States. Twenty-six million Indonesians earn less than one dollar a day. According to Freedom House’s calculations, Timor Leste is one of only five countries in the entirety of Asia deemed “free.” On that same scale, Laos is ranked as less free than Iran, yet its neck of the Mekong River is famous for libacious tubing parties for Instagramming youth.
Each country you visit will have its own lessons to offer. What you learn in one will not always translate to the others. To represent the U.S. Navy well in Southeast Asia, get to know the countries you have the opportunity to visit. Seek to understand them individually
- Southeast Asian Sailors have plenty to teach you about grey zone operations.
Southeast Asian navies matter. So do their coast guards. In some cases, their ships are older. Some are decommissioned U.S. vessels. New kit tends to come from Europe or cheaper providers such as Russia and China. Not even the most technologically advanced states possess the combat equivalent of a 96-cell U.S. destroyer. Sensitive communications often are carried by unclassified apps such as WhatsApp, Facebook, or Line, even for ships at sea. This does not mean they are incapable. These maritime forces are engaged, day-in and day-out, in securing their nations’ sovereignty. Their sailors know hardship and hard work. Dangerous, close encounters with Chinese forces are common. They also face off with their friends and neighbors in disputes over maritime boundaries and resources. Any given Southeast Asian sailor is much more likely to have been in a gunfight—most likely with a terrorist or pirate—than his or her American counterpart. Those who have sailed abroad are more likely to have seen action in a counterpiracy task force or a U.N. peacekeeping mission than to have spent their deployment turning circles in a box in the name of deterrence.
You will quickly see that your Southeast Asian partners will approach problems in ways foreign to you even as you see them reaching for the same allied publication or standard operating procedure. Pay attention; listen up. Take it all in. Absorb the good and file away the stuff that does not seem useful to your Navy. Whatever you do, do not lecture.
- Nontraditional threats are a top regional priority.
The United States maintains separate maritime entities to accomplish its maritime constabulary and naval combat missions. They are under the direction of separate cabinet secretaries—Defense and Homeland Security. The Posse Comitatus Act prevents the Navy from enforcing laws except in very controlled and deliberately authorized situations. In Southeast Asia, coast guards have become more popular in recent years but still commonly share constabulary duties with navies. Naval services across the region regularly face threats of terrorism and insurgency, as well as human trafficking and narco-trafficking. To name just one terrorist organization, the Abu Sayyaf group has proven resilient to all sorts of pressure including years of operations featuring U.S. special forces backed up by U.S. Navy grey hulls and all sorts of U.S. airpower. Its amphibious combat operations and pirate attacks continue to this day. Environmental crimes and illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing cost billions of dollars each year and imperil the livelihoods of thousands. Take the opportunity to learn how your fellow sailors in Southeast Asia deal with these issues; it may serve you well in the near future.
- History matters.
Foreign militaries have done plenty of terrible things in Southeast Asia. You will commonly be told, “Centuries ago the Europeans came here saying it was to fight piracy and took our freedom.” When the United States arrived as the newest colonial power our counterinsurgency operations were nothing to recall with pride. The U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defence Treaty is now one of the most important pillars of regional security, but the United States only recently returned war trophies seized from the city of Balangiga in 1901. Quickly after the yoke of colonialism was removed, the region was placed at the forefront of the struggle against communism. However, there was nothing “cold” about the Cold War in Southeast Asia. More than once, the United Staes was associated with violent coups that resulted in tens of thousands of deaths in several nations. Today’s senior Vietnamese leaders have personal memories of the war against the United States. The United States dropped more explosives on Cambodia and Laos than the Allies dropped in the entirety of World War II, littering both with munitions that continue to take lives. Despite this, two U.S. Navy aircraft carriers have been welcomed into Vietnam.
The context of America’s legacy in Southeast Asia is important, and complicated. Our past should engender a spirit of understanding and humility from U.S. sailors in Southeast Asia as we seek to move forward into the future. As much as possible, learn about and process the history. When confronted with it, show humility. No matter how informed or mistaken your interlocutors may be, you are not going to persuade them by delivering a history lesson. Your focus will be better invested in setting the example of what the United States should be in Southeast Asia.
- ASEAN is central and not an “underdeveloped EU.”
At its core, the European Union is about governments relaxing sovereign control of their individual states to pool resources, prevent state-to-state conflict, and facilitate the flow of capital and people. Put over-simply, ASEAN is a body aimed at enabling governments’ efforts to strengthen their own nation-states. It facilitates discourse and coordinating their external voice to guard against all threats to the government’s sovereign control of the state. ASEAN is built on principles of consensus and non-interference. There are various working groups and associated international fora, but it is very rarely a vehicle for collective action. You may hear the term “ASEAN Centrality”—it does not refer to the fact that the ASEAN states occupy the middle of the Indo-Pacific. It is a concept that reinforces ASEAN’s credibility and legitimacy, respecting its role as the driving force behind the region’s collective agenda. ASEAN is often criticized as heavy on deliberation, low on output, but it is not designed to be a dynamic, activist organization.
Do not fall for the conceptual trap that ASEAN is striving to “mature into” something that exists elsewhere. The political arrangements are not perfect, but neither are those “back at home.”
- Southeast Asia does not want an Asian NATO, nor an Asian Combined Maritime Force.
NATO functions on the basis of shared threat perceptions and common interests. Its Cold War counterpart, Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), only recruited three Asian members and fell apart shortly after the Vietnam War. “How to build a multilateral, NATO-type alliance for Asia” is a favorite topic for War College students, but today, there is no similar existential crisis pulling together a grand alliance. Yes, Southeast Asian states are concerned about China’s rising power and aggressive behavior and those concerns are tilting the alignment of some of those states toward the United States, but fears of entrapment and abandonment dictate that no Southeast Asian state is ready to tie itself into a collective security pact. The strategic behavior of the Philippines provides an excellent illustration of this dynamic. It enjoys the benefits of the mutual defense treaty with the United States, but many of its leaders feel burned by perceived U.S. mishandling of the 2012 Scarborough Shoal standoff.
Other officers envision opportunities to create a Combined Maritime Force like those working elsewhere. Tried many times, efforts to sell the idea in Southeast Asia have fallen flat. If geared toward China, they are non-starters for the reasons already described. Efforts geared toward the nontraditional threats at the top of regional states’ maritime priorities gain a bit more traction. However, there are plenty of sticking points. At the forefront is the fact, most of the nontraditional threats operate within domestic waters, so while information sharing and coordination are useful, there is little desire to invite in foreign security operations.
Southeast Asian security problems will require Southeast Asian–led solutions. Americans can coach and suggest but will not be able to force strategic alignment where it does not exist.
- Corruption is rampant—do not let it trap you.
Corruption is rampant in Southeast Asia. According to the estimates of Transparency International, among the ASEAN members, only Singapore and Malaysia rank among the world’s 80 least corrupt states. Furthermore, Southeast Asian government systems are completely different from the United States—things that might be illegal or unethical in the United States often are specifically the way the system is designed. You may see this as being regrettable, but U.S. sailors are not in a position to change the way the host does business.
This is not to suggest for one second that you should endorse this behavior or ever be party to it. Understand the relevant regulations and internalize your ethics training. If your command is not giving you training, ask for it before you deploy. Let the bevy of high-profile cases associated with the Fat Leonard scandal be a cautionary tale. Some of those Americans were proven at trial to be filthy traitors. Others made smaller mistakes, such as joining their commanding officer for a free wardroom dinner. These individuals are not in jail, but the ethics violations put their careers on ice. It is your duty to safeguard the resources under your charge and know the rules that protect your integrity. Do not break those rules and be quick to report suggestions that you do so.
- Enjoy your liberty.
“Liberty is a mission.” You probably heard that said by somebody in khaki as a shorthand for, “Don’t be a liberty incident.” Hence, it is an easy phrase to disregard. However, with a little unpacking, the statement is pretty accurate. Done right, a deployment to Southeast Asia will be an experience that will stay with you for your entire life. Long before “Forged by the Sea,” the Navy recruited new sailors with the promise of “Join the Navy, See the World.” These ports offer world-class opportunities for sightseeing, shopping, and the relaxation needed for superior performance at sea. If you are into the bar scene, rest assured that the region features some of the world’s best, but they will not be where the liberty bus drops you off.
A typical port visit is four days. The first is largely consumed by arrival work and one is inevitably lost to duty. That leaves a sailor with about two days. Given the limited time and all the opportunities, mission success requires a plan. Planning requires information. Do as much as you can before you deploy. Shelling out a couple of bucks for a guide book (hardcopy or electronic) to read underway can save you hours of battling shipboard internet for a glimpse at TripAdvisor. Even if your deployment schedule is not fixed, taking along a library can be a great investment for your liberty crew. Consider grabbing some fiction or movies about or set in the region as well. The sailor-centric non-profit YCAPS has a great list of suggestions.
